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Chris Murphy has expressed the need to de-emphasize military power in U.


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Ro Khanna, and various others have championed the idea that the United States should not be backing the Saudi-led war in Yemen, whether for humanitarian or strategic ends. Meanwhile, a broader spectrum of Democratic and Republican lawmakers, from Sen.

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Ben Cardin to Sen. Jeff Flake and Sen. Tim Kaine, have expressed interest in repealing the Authorization to use Military Force and replacing it with a more circumscribed version. Tammy Duckworth has lambasted other members of congress for being unwilling even to debate the question of such a new authorization. Tulsi Gabbard or Rep. Seth Moulton. Certainly, progress towards concrete achievements has been slow, as Congress struggles to find either the willpower or the capacity to exercise even its constitutional prerogatives on foreign policy. As these conservatives and progressives learn to work together on specific issues like Yemen or arms sales, they are developing a working coalition.

And that coalition is, in turn, shaping the broader debate on the future of foreign policy inside the Democratic Party. To be clear, that debate is not only occurring among restrainers and realists. The party retains a strong Clinton-style liberal interventionist wing. The Democratic Party even has its own international debate over the merits of free trade and immigration. Yet there are other reasons to be hopeful.

Grand Strategy: The Four Pillars of the Future : Democracy Journal

In one recent poll, a plurality of Americans expressed their belief that excessive overseas intervention has made America less safe. In short, the future is bright for a libertarian foreign policy of restraint, but it will not necessarily be a Republican foreign policy. She is currently writing a book on the links between oil, foreign policy, and war, focusing on the peculiar politics of petrostates, from Russia to Saudi Arabia, and Iran to Venezuela.

She holds a Ph. And because it is larger than Trump it will no doubt outlast him. Over the past two years, America has seen the emergence of a coherent Trump doctrine, as regards foreign policy, in both words and deeds. These core elements have since been expanded upon in speeches to the United Nations and the Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation, as well as in Warsaw and elsewhere. In his speech in Warsaw in , Trump presented a much broader conception of Western Civilization than what one often hears from secular elites in the European Union.

It includes Christianity and Judaism, as well as the Enlightenment and modernity. It is not the Enlightenment only, but the Enlightenment plus.

Panchsheel: Principles and National Interests in Foreign Policy

For the most part, the Trump doctrine is deeply rooted in the historical traditions of American foreign policy. Its emphasis on national interests, strong military and naval power, reciprocity in trade, and the primacy of American sovereignty were hallmarks of the foreign policy vision of statesmen such as George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Abraham Lincoln. What will be the shape of the global chessboard 10 or 15 years into the future? As the National Security Strategy declares, the United States is entering a period of increased geopolitical — and in the case of China, also geo-economic — competition with revisionist nation-states, specifically China, Russia, and Iran.

In addition to the geopolitical and geo-economic challenges from revisionist nation-states and the threat of terrorism from radical Islamists in both Iran and the Sunni world, there is, and always has been, global ideological competition. At the broadest level is the perennial conflict between constitutional democracy and various forms of authoritarianism, including oligarchy, dictatorial one-party rule, and militant jihadism. Within the democratic world itself exists a deep division over where ultimate authority — that is to say, sovereignty — resides.

Is it with sovereign democratic nation-states, or is it with evolving transnational and supranational institutions and rules of global governance e. To put it bluntly, the democratic family is in an argument over the single most important question in politics: Who should rule?

Constitution as the highest political authority for Americans — others, including allies such as Germany and many other nation-states in the European Union, as well as a considerable number of American progressives, tout the transnational institutions of global governance and the evolving concepts of international law as the final arbiters of legitimate authority above the sovereignty of any nation-state, including democracies like the United States and Germany.

Therefore, it will continue well into the future and no doubt intensify in the decades to come. On the contrary, transnational progressivism is a real actor in world politics, complete with a workable ideology, a strongly situated material-social base among global elites, and, in some areas, the backing of nation states. Transnational progressives dominate major international and transnational institutions, including the leadership of the United Nations, the European Union, the European Court of Human Rights, the International Court of Justice, international non-governmental organizations e.

Future political conflict between American conservatives and transnational progressives is inevitable. Kennedy and Lyndon B. What has traditionally been called liberal internationalism is steadily morphing into transnational progressivism. General Assembly speeches of and is revealing. I am convinced that in the long run, giving up freedom of action — not our ability to protect ourselves…but binding ourselves to international rules over the long term — enhances our security.

As an academic, Slaughter, head of policy planning at the U. In the formulation of liberal foreign policy, past is prologue, as progressives envision an enlarged role for transnational legalism that goes well beyond what conservatives consider the checks and balances of American constitutional democracy. Global progressives are quite open in their support for decreased national sovereignty, and, thus, by definition, diminished democratic self-government and increased transnational authority. One of the leading academic advocates of global governance, G. John Ikenberry, writes,.

The liberal international project foresees a future where there will be a fuller realization of universal rights and standards of justice, and the obligations and commitments of national governments will need to be adjusted accordingly. International authority — in the form of courts and collective governance mechanisms — will be expanded…and a rule-based order will intensify. The future will likely see a great divide between liberal and conservative worldviews on foreign policy and national sovereignty.

Despite pious pronouncements from all sides, partisanship at home will play an outsized role in foreign policy. There is already a name for this phenomenon. The Germans call it Weltinnenpolitik , or global domestic politics.

In the United States, global domestic politics first began in earnest in the s. From to , the tables were turned, as the Obama administration launched its own version of global domestic politics.


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At that time, the U. Not surprisingly, these aggressive policies e. The emerging Trump doctrine appears to be a pretty good fit for American conservatives as they face the world politics of the future. This is in sharp contrast to President George W. Another option is to synthesize the various conservative foreign policy traditions into a new fusionism that reserves a prominent place for sovereignty.

One could contrast the conservative foreign policy universe that permits latitude for both the national and the international with liberal foreign policy thinking that runs from internationalism increasingly to transnationalism and supranationalism. Does anyone doubt that the next Democratic administration will be increasingly transnationalist, just as Obama was more transnationalist than Bill Clinton, and Clinton was more transnationalist than Jimmy Carter, and Carter was more transnationalist than Johnson?

Moreover, does anyone doubt that the Democratic push towards increased transnationalism will trigger a conservative reaction along patriotic sovereigntist lines? For several decades, a fierce intellectual battle has been waged beneath the surface of U. Jon Kyl gave a series of speeches outlining the global governance challenge to American sovereignty. Trump, to his credit, has, for the first time, thrust this battle between American democratic sovereignty and transnational governance patriotism vs.

The result is that conservatives will likely do what liberals have done for years, which is to take the issue of global governance seriously. And, as conservatives, they will realize that the globalist project is a direct challenge to American constitutional democracy. In the future, conservatives should view world politics through bi-focal lenses, which is to say, conservatives should recognize that they have two sets of serious global competitors, the hard competitors of geopolitics and geo-economics and the soft competitors of transnational progressives, globalists, post-sovereigntists, or whatever one wants to call them.

John Fonte is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. Fonte served on the foreign policy team of presidential candidate Newt Gingrich in He received his Ph. Differing conservative foreign policy traditions bring these values to the debate. Conservative realists focus on military defense, balancing power to preserve peace.

Melbourne Journal of International Law

Conservative nationalists prioritize national sovereignty, being reluctant to surrender the rights and responsibilities of an elected republic to the dictates of unelected international institutions. Among the electorate, conservative nationalists tap into the libertarian, populist, and patriotic currents of American politics. Finally, conservative internationalists bring freedom to the debate, holding out the expectation that freedom is universal, that all individuals, not just Americans, want to be free and participate in self-government.

Among the public, this group draws support from the constitutional and religious enthusiasts of the conservative community, for example, members of the Tea Party and evangelical Christians. A successful conservative foreign policy, however, must blend all three of these traditions. Conservative realism alone is not enough.

Settlers came to this continent to escape authoritarian governments, not to mimic them and play the cynical games of balance of power and war more effectively. Conservative nationalism on its own ignores ideological realities.

Elites and the Economy

American freedom cannot thrive in a world of despots even if those despots leave the United States alone, which is unlikely. No country can be serious about promoting freedom throughout the world and making the military commitments which that entails without asking too much of its own citizens. That is exactly what liberal internationalists did in Vietnam and neoconservatives did in Iraq and Afghanistan. Taken together, however, the three elements promoted by each tradition — freedom, defense, and sovereignty — complement and discipline one another. America stands for freedom but not everywhere at once, respecting the limits of public resources and will.

It concentrates on the major borders where freedom already exists — Eastern Europe and Northeast Asia. It gives priority to defense but not to win wars and change regimes, but rather to compromise in negotiations that create better incremental opportunities for freedom to flourish. And it rejects a world of centralized global institutions that usurp national sovereignty and embraces instead a federalist world of sister democratic republics that live side-by-side in freedom, independence, and peace.

Successful Republican presidents have integrated and applied these elements to the world they faced. Reagan is the lodestar of this conservative Republican approach to foreign policy, just as Franklin Roosevelt is the lodestar of the liberal Democratic approach to foreign policy.